How Empirical is Empirical Enough? Method- versus Problem-Driven Research

Positivism has been enjoying a strong epistemology in social science for their scientific approach in explaining social phenomena. The positivist’s inquiry for causal inference has drawn the attention of many scholars in social science. However, positivism has been received severe criticism from other scholars on epistemology. One critique comes from pragmatist standpoint that ask the question whether positivism is practical enough in their explaination on social phenomena. According to Dewey (1999), pragmatists consider concepts, hypotheses, and ideas as endogenous sources for inquiry rather than external constraints. Molly Cochran (2002) thinks that Dewey's pragmatism offers an alternative research model for international relations researchers who are away from positivism. Jonathan B. Isacoff (2009) sees pragmatism as a guide to historical developments in international relations. Finally, according to William James (1907), pragmatism is the "mediating philosophy" that reconciles empirical epistemic responsibility with moral-religious optimization.

This reaction paper study tries to highlight the critics from pragmatist for positivist. This paper is look at the reading from Hamati-Ataya, James Johnson, Joseph S. Nye, OsmoKivinen and Tero Piiroinen. These scholars try to argue that there is another epistemology that offers another way in explaining in social science.

Hamati-Ataya (2012) tries to offer pragmatism as epistemology in international relations through the debates of positivism vs. post-positivism. Although, at the beginning she admits that pragmatism is still considered as a new and alternative epistemology in international relations, Ataya argues that pragmatism is relevant to international relations theory. Based on Kaplan’s Systematic Pragmatism study, Ataya is carefully scrunitising the weaknee of positivism in understanding reality and knowledge. According to her (2012), positivist’s mainly focus on how reality and knowledge leads to their “ dual fallacy” on objectivity and intersubjectivity of reality. She suggests that pragmatists explain how reality and knowledge as a result of human interpretation, thus reality and knowledge can be used into human purpose.

In my opinion, Ataya is indeed giving the idea the comparison of positivists and post-positivists and pragmatists. Ataya’s defence about pragmatism could be easily doubted by positivists as she could not provide any tools on how pragmatism explain phenomenon in international relations.

James Johnson stated that political scientists typically use positivist and positivism concepts for rhetorical purposes. In addition, Johnson thinks that positivism is a mistaken doctrine. Pragmatists consider science as a problem-solving activity like other human practices (Johnson, 2006: 225). Pragmatists consider theories and methods as a tool for problem solving. Pragmatists see success in solving empirical and conceptual problems (Johnson, 2006: 228). Related to theory, pragmatism will not test the theory, rather will judge the theory by its consequences (Johnson, 2006: 227). He wrote his article based on King, Keohane and Verba’s (KKV) book. And he criticised positivism based on KKV’s book.

In my opinion, Johnson offers a through critique on positivism mechanism and defends pragmatism while trying not to fall into post-positivists camp. However, similar to Ataya, although Johnson tries to highlight the problem of causal inference.

Kivinen and Piiroinen suggest the pragmatist perspective in social science by comparing the study of Searle and Dewey on their pragmatist in social scientific inquiry particularly in the field of sociology (Kivinen & Piiroinen, 2007). According to the authors, the key of understanding human, mind and language can be found in sociological explanations (Kivinen & Piiroinen, 2007). Kivinen and Piiroinen argue that certain pragmatist guidelines open more efficient ways for empirical research. The authors suggest that there is an alternative methodology in explaining human behaviour in social realms. According to the them, concepts to be observed in the world are tools of action, therefore it does not need to make a causal relationship between concepts. It is a pragmatist perspective that suggests that “action explains all social life" (Kivinen & Piiroinen, 2007:p. 109). The authors suggests that pragmatists offers a different approach on what they call it as "being-oriented inside out have a lot of to offer for the methodology of research"( Kivinen & Piiroinen, 2007: 110). The authors propose a relational methodology that combines Dewey's understanding of classical pragmatism with the anti-representationalist perspective.

In my opinion, from Kivinen and Piironen, we can learn the different way in conducting social research, science can be used as an action. However, they do not provide a useful tools on how to applied the conceptual actions on explaining human being. The question arises from here how that actions, language and mind of human beings can explain the truth of the reality.

From Joseph Nye, we learn that the gap between theoritical academic world and the practical world. He cririticises the academics particularly the international relations field seems to enjoy their own privilege of being sophisticated to find the truth. While the practitioners need more recipes to overcome problems. I think Nye provides a good description the gap between academic and practical world especially in international relations. It is inevitable that is the gap is real between theoritical and practical schemes of both natural and social science. This is because it takes time for science to deal the real problems of society which are very dynamics. Science needs time to be proven that it can explain the truth of the reality. I think the word 'bridging' in Nye's article to shorten the gap between academic and practical means to be a “long” bridge. This is because science needs to stick on their 'scientific' manners to explain social phenomena and it takes times for science to pursue the truth. I do not reject the idea that academic realm can be used in practical world, but I think the academic theoritical inqury should be maintained in the way of what they are doing now. I argue that academic World should keep on their path in pursuing the truth in the World. I think that pragmatists could find a space tos tay firmly in academia.

In conclusion, from all reading, we could see that all authors try to criticise positivism as epistemology in social science. They mostly suggest that positivism is not flexible enough overcome “real” problems of society. They suggest that positivism needs more pragmatic tools for the academics to explain and provide recipe for society illness. However, in the end they do not provide any tools how to use the pragmatic way of thinking in explaining reality.

REFERENCES:

Cochran, M. (2002). Deweyan Pragmatism and Post-Positivist Social Science in IR. Millennium, 31(3), 525-548. doi:10.1177/03058298020310030801

Garrison, J. (1999). John Dewey's Theory of Practical Reasoning. Educational Philosophy and Theory, 31(3), 291-312. doi:doi:10.1111/j.1469-5812.1999.tb00467.x

Hamati-Ataya, I. (2012). Beyond (Post)Positivism: The Missed Promises of Systemic Pragmatism1. International Studies Quarterly, 56(2), 291-305. doi:10.1111/j.1468-2478.2011.00710.x

James, W. (1907). Pragmatism: A new name for some old ways of thinking. New York: Longman Green and Co.

Johnson, J. (2016). Consequences of Positivism. Comparative Political Studies, 39(2), 224-252. doi:10.1177/0010414005282982

Joseph S. Nye, J. (2008). Bridging the Gap between Theory and Policy. Political Pschology.

Kivinen, O., & Piiroinen, T. (2007). Sociologizing metaphysics and mind: A pragmatist point of view on the methodology of the social sciences. Human Studies, 30(2), 97-114. doi:10.1007/s10746-007-9049-6

Prawat, R. S. (1999). Dewey, Peirce, and the Learning Paradox. American Educational Research Journal, 36(1), 47-76. doi:10.3102/00028312036001047

RALSTON, S. J. (2011). PRAGMATISM IN INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS THEORY AND RESEARCH.

Algeria and Drama

Algeria has faced with many bloody uprisings since its independence in 1962. The biggest of these uprisings were the uprising of the Berber movement in 1980 and 2001 and the uprisings in 1989. Especially the riots in 1989 were the preview of the civil war that went on for 10 years.

In 1989, Algeria faced political and economic liberalization policies. This political liberalization paved the way for the new constitution and afterwards multi-party elections. The Algerians complained about the power of the Front Liberation Nationale (FLN), which had continued since 1962. Because unemployment, poverty and corruption were increasing day by day. The people saw FLN as responsible of these social problems. Therefore, people started looking for alternative political parties. Front Islamique du Salut (FIS) became prominent among these alternatives political parties.

As a result of the FIS winning the 1991 general elections and the army taking control with the military coup, a civil war began in Algeria. This civil war continued 10 years and ended in 2002.

However, despite the elapsed time, the tradition of protest in Algeria still continues. On December 26, 2018, Algeria  faced again with a protest. Protests erupted in Algeria after man dies in well. Angry over the death of a man who was trapped in a well for six days, protesters tried to storm the offices of a governor in northern Algeria before being pushed back by riot police. A number of Algerians had criticised the government over the pace with which they reacted to the incident, saying Mahdjoubi could have been rescued if civil defence units were deployed in time.

In my opinion, the main reason of this protest in Algeria is not the person who died. Unemployment, poverty and corruption, one of the most important reasons of the civil war, still continue in Algeria. 26.4 percent of under-30-year-olds are unemployed in Algeria. This situation causes very important problems. In addition, Algeria is a natural gas and oil-rich country, but the public could not benefit from these incomes and this increases the poverty in Algeria. Unfortunately, this situation is quite similar with the pre-civil war period.

Therefore, Algeria needs to find an urgent solution to the chronic unemployment, poverty and corruption problem. Without a solution of these problems, Algeria can face with a new civil war in future.

Terrorism Survey

I started a new research for my PhD. Therefore I prepared a survey. I'd appreciate it if you filled out the questionnaire.

https://goo.gl/forms/6Qu4CTriTSwpH0Pa2

PRC-SUDAN RELATIONS

In recent years, China-Sudan relations have caused many academic debates. In particular, China's support of the Sudanese regime during the Sudanese civil war led to an increase in these debates. For this reason, a summary of Chinese-Sudanese relations was written in this article.

Sudan is the first country in sub-Saharan Africa to recognize PRC in 1959. Sudan has been under U.S. sanctions since 1995 in part due to the human rights violations and the country’s past ties to radical terrorists (Song, 2017). The same year Sudan president Al-Bashir signed Sudan’s first oil deal with PRC (Song, 2017). In 1995, Al-Bashir invited CNPC (China National Petroleum Corporation) to Sudan and after this time, CNPC started to participate the petroleum bidding and exploration of Sudan (Song, 2017).

When Al-Beshir came to power in Sudan, he decided to travel to PRC in 1995. During his China visit, Al-Beshir requested to help with development of oil resources (Moro, 2012). In 1996, after this request, Chinese, Malaysian and Indian companies started to take over oil operations in Sudan and these companies together continued where US company’s Chevron left off (Moro, 2012). In June 1997, the Greater Nile Petroleum Operating Company was established with the China National Petroleum Corporation (CNPC) taking 40 percent ownership and Malaysia’s Petronas taking 30 percent. India’s ONGC Videsh acquired 25 percent. When these companies took over oil operation in Sudan, there was a conflict in Sudan. Because of conflict, competition in Sudan was low. Three years later, Sudan started to export oil for the first time and for a long time Sudan and PRC reaped benefit from this oil trade (Moro, 2012).

PRC and Sudan are closely linked each other thanks to oil. Also, PRC-Sudan relations has developed quickly since 1990s. Nowadays, PRC is the largest investor in Sudan and also, PRC is top trading partner in Sudan. According to Bank of Sudan statistics, China accounted for 76% of Sudan’s exports and 22% of imports from 2005 to 2009 (Daniel and Luke, 2011). As mentioned before, the oil cooperation is the core of the relationship between China and Sudan.

            PRC uses its veto right to protect Al-Bashir’s regime in UN security council from UN sanctions. PRC also supplies arms to Sudan (Song, 2017). However, PRC falsely accused of being a major source of armaments for Sudan. According to the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute’s arms transfer database (2016), arms from Russia, Belarus, and Ukraine made up the majority — 77 percent — of imports into the Sudanese arsenal from 2007-2016. China was responsible for a modest 19 percent of all military exports to Sudan over the same period (Song, 2017).

China's Djibouti military base and its purpose

China's close relations with Africa for many years continue in all areas. China African relations continue also in the military field. China sells weapons and military equipment to many countries in Africa. One of these countries is Sudan. PRC supplies arms to Sudan. China was responsible for a modest 19 percent of all military exports to Sudan over the same period. 

In addition to selling this weapon, during the Sudan crisis, the Chinese army actively supported the United Nations peacekeeping operations in Sudan. This peacekeeping operation under the umbrella of the United Nations is the international military mission in which the Chinese army has been the most active in its history.

This peacekeeping mission had been the official beginning of China's military presence in Africa. However, China's presence in Sudan was under the United Nations mission. For this reason, it was discussed that China would open a military base in Africa for a long time. 

China opens her first military base in Djibouti on same day as People's Liberation

Army marks 90th anniversary in 2017. China began constructing a base in Djibouti in 2016. It will be used to resupply navy ships taking part in peacekeeping and humanitarian missions off the coasts of Yemen and Somalia, in particular. China's agreement with Djibouti ensures its military presence in the country up until 2026, with a contingent of up to 10,000 soldiers.

China's military base choice in Djibouti is a very strategic move. Actually, Djibouti is a tiny barren nation sandwiched between Ethiopia, Eritrea and Somalia. It is at the southern entrance to the Red Sea on the route to the Suez Canal. Djibouti is located on the horn of Africa. 

As seen in the picture, the horn of Africa is  neighbour with many strategic roads and the Middle East. According to many international relations scholars, the key of the Middle East is the Horn of Africa. 

I think the most important goal of China's Djibouti military base is China's desire to become a power in the Middle East. In the near future, it is possible to see the other steps related to this purpose.

RELATED LINKS: 

https://www.researchgate.net/publication/327666346_The_African_views_on_China's_African_Policy

http://ahmettulgasblog.blogspot.com/2018/12/prcs-african-aid.html

http://ahmettulgasblog.blogspot.com/2018/12/new-poker-in-middle-east.html

The African views on China’s African Policy

Through the years of Chinese involvement in Africa after decolonization, the People’s Republic of China (PRC) has gradually become the largest trading partner of many African countries. Nowadays, its influence has been surpassing most of the Western powers such as Britain, France, and the United States, some of which have been involved in the African affairs for centuries. China's activities in Africa in the areas of trade, aids, foreign direct investments, and energy purchases have been growing rapidly in recent years. The purpose of this thesis is to analyze whether China is a new colonial power in Africa and to examine briefly the development Sino-African relations and the changes of Beijing’s African policy. The thesis focuses mostly on identifying and analyzing the African views about China and China’s African policy. Mainly qualitative methods are used in this research. A number of secondary published data and surveys are collected to support qualitative analysis in this study. Parallel to the rising influence of economic and political Sino-African relations, a tremendous amount of researches have been carried out on the Sino-African relations in the literature. However, despite this increase in the literature, there is still limited information about African views about China and China's African policy. This thesis analyzes the different dimensions of African’s views. In order to fill this gap and enrich the literature, the African political elites, students, media, and people’s views about China's African policy have been examined. Four important findings have been reached. The first finding is that a vast majority of Africans shares a rather positive view about China's African policy. The second finding is that not all African leaders have positive opinions about China, as Western sources indicate. In recent years, in some African countries, especially opposition parties start to adopt various kinds of anti-Chinese policies. The third finding is that the positive and negative views of the political elites and the media about China seriously affect the public's view. The fourth finding is that China is neither a colonialist nor a new colonialist power in Africa in the past and the present.

RELATED LINK: 
https://www.researchgate.net/publication/327666346_The_African_views_on_China%27s_African_Policy

France's bloody history in Algeria

Algeria was occupied by France in 1837. Unlike other French colonies, Algeria was directly part of France. Therefore, during the colonial period, the oppression and violence against Algeria was higher than other colonies. The violence and oppression that France imposed on Algeria had been one of the most important factors in raising awareness of the struggle against French colonialism in Algeria.

Particularly, there was a hope that the French would give positive answers to the demands of the Algerian nationalists for the reform before and during the Second World War. However, the French government ignored the expected reforms. As a result, protests and uprisings against France began.

One of these uprisings was organized by the People's Party of Algeria in 1945. The purpose of the march was to celebrate the end of the Second World War, and to honor the Algerians who fought and died in this great war in the name of France. Before this march, some ethnical problems already started between the French government and the Algerians. In addition, intellectuals such as Messali Hajj were arrested because of the Algerians' claiming more rights and talking about it. This caused problems to grow even more.

This tense walk started on March 8, 1945. During the march, the police attacked the demonstrators and many demonstrators died. Police could not control the uprising and they asked the military for help. There was a huge increase in the number of dead and wounded by the involvement of air force-backed ground forces on the uprising.

The incidents caused the Algerian independence movement to begin. After the uprising, the people of Algeria began to fight for independence against France. The war of independence, which began in 1954, ended in 1962. Millions of Algerians were killed during the war. The French call this war as "France's Vietnam war".

It was known that during the war there were many massacres by France and human rights were violated by France. However, the French authorities did not accept these crimes. However, the new French president Macron took a big step on this issue.

New President of France officially acknowledged its military’s systemic use of torture in the Algerian War in the 1950s and 1960s, a step forward in grappling with its colonial legacy. This is proof that France has begun to face with her bloody history. However, the question is whether France will accept and recognize the massacres in Algeria or not in future.

RELATED LINK: 
https://www.researchgate.net/publication/327666274_CEZAYIR%27DE_GECMISTEN_GUNUMUZE_ISLAMCI_HAREKETLER